PSD=PNL=PD-L=PC=PRM=UDMR

Am deschis bleen.ro în 6 august 2008. Am scris acolo pînă în ianuarie 2010, cînd am trecut pe Blogary. De 3 ani blogul este în adormire iar în acest an va ieși din online. Va fi înlocuit pe server de cincinnatus.ro, despre care vom vorbi la momentul potrivit.

Bleen.ro nu va ieși însă din online fără a face o retrospectivă înainte. 

articol din 1 octombrie 2008:

Votul de ieri din Parlament ne-a aratat ceea ce banuiam de mult timp incoace: nu e absolut nicio diferenta intre partidele politice din Romania.

Pomenile electorale votate in unanimitate in Parlament ne-ar costa, conform Cotidianului, peste 5 miliarde de euro. Asta ar fi numai costul direct si imediat. Costurile vor fi insa mult mai mari.  Si nu se vor cuantifica in miliarde de euro ci in zeci de ani. Nu e nevoie sa fii specialist ca sa-ti dai seama ca aceste pomeni, platite din banii nostri (e usor sa dai cand dai din banii contribuabililor), vor duce la o criza economica majora. Urmeaza cresterea inflatiei, a fiscalitatii, eliminarea investitiilor etc Subdezvoltare dublata de dezechilbre macroeconomice. DezechilIbrele macroeconomice se mai pot estompa, insa depasirea actualei situatii de subdezvoltare se va mai amana inca 4, 8 sau 12 ani, in conditiile in care ne aflam deja in ceasul al cincisprezecelea. Iar dezvoltarea e miza pe care am pierdut-o in acesti ani. Ieri s-a jucat ultimul act.

Singura decizie de bun simt pe care ar putea-o lua PD-L si PNL, partide pretins de dreapta, ar fi eliminarea de pe listele de candidati a tuturor celor care au votat “DA” ieri in Parlament. Ar fi un gest minimal.

Calculul pe care si l-au facut PD-L-ul si PNL-ul prin acest vot este unul sinucigas si este bomboana de pe coliva acestor partide. Daca aceste partide spera sa fie sustinute si votate de “majoritatea tacuta”, se inseala. E un teren pe care nu au nicio sansa in fata PSD-ului. Asa-zisul troc pe care l-au facut PD-L-istii cu PRM-ul este, in ciuda parerii Corului Ingerilor, o joaca de copii in comparatie cu acest vot. Fiindca nu targul cu PRM a ingropat PD-L-ul, ci votul de ieri.

Pana ieri nu am fost de aord cu afirmatia “toti sunt la fel”. Insa votul din Parlament mi-a dovedit ca m-am inselat. Intr-adevar, toti sunt la fel.

Ceea ce s-a intamplat ieri in Parlament reprezinta populismul cel mai concret si iresponsabil, un populism cu efecte extrem de palpabile. SI nimeni nu-l va putea justifica in niciun fel.

Sunt curios cum va reactiona Basescu. Daca va promulga legea sau se va face ca ploua atunci inseamna ca ne-am inselat si in ceea ce-l priveste.

The Third Sex in Massachusetts

One afternoon in May, 1990, Robert Kosilek murdered his wife, Cheryl. Brutally. He strangled her with piano wire, virtually decapitating her, and left her body in a mall parking lot in a suburb of Boston.

Since his conviction, Kosilek, now 64, has been serving a life sentence at Norfolk, a high-security prison for men. For years Kosilek has been a member of the „sisters,” a particularly violent, sexually deviant subset of the prison population. But in 1993, Kosilek decided to do a complete makeover, changing his name to Michelle, letting his hair grow long, and dressing as a woman in an all-male prison.

Since 2000, when Michelle, diagnosed with a „gender identity disorder,” sued the state for violation of the Eighth Amendment, („cruel and unusual punishments”) he has received female hormone therapy, electrolysis, and psychotherapy. In 2002, U.S. District Judge Mark Wolf, in a 129-page ruling, decreed that Kosilek was entitled to treatment of gender identity disorder, but stopped short of ordering sex-change surgery.

Last fall, however, Judge Wolf, after a decade of legal wrangling – the legal fees exceed $700,000 – decided that Kosilek, according to the Boston Globe, „is entitled to the surgery because it is a medically necessary treatment for her [sic] gender identity disorder.” This surgery, to be paid for by the taxpayers, would cost somewhere in the vicinity of $50,000.

Then, last month, again according to the Globe, Wolf –„looking for any possible willful disobedience”– ordered „the state’s prison chief to swear under oath he is making an earnest effort to find a surgeon willing to perform gender reassignment surgery [on Kosilek],” to sign status reports detailing the search for a surgeon under oath, and to also swear under the pain of perjury that he has personally read Wolf’s seven-page order.”

Interestingly, at about the same time Wolf delivered this order, Dr. Joseph Berger, a prominent Toronto psychiatrist, issued a statement saying that from a medical and scientific perspective there is no such thing as a „transgendered person, that terms such as „gender expression” and „gender identity” are at the very least ambiguous, and are more an emotional appeal than a statement of scientific fact.” (LifeSiteNews.com)

Dr. Berger „stated that people who identify themselves as ‘transgendered’ are psychotic or simply unhappy, and pointed out that hormone therapy and surgery are not appropriate treatments for psychosis or unhappiness.” He added that he was speaking from the scientific perspective, „and not from any political lobbying position.”

People who claim that they are women trapped in a man’s body or men trapped in a woman’s body are suffering from „delusions, psychosis, or emotional unhappiness,” and that any treatment for such conditions should not include surgery.

He explained that „cosmetic surgery will not change the chromosomes of a human being in that it will not make a man become a woman, capable of menstruating, ovulating, and having children, nor will it make a woman become a man, capable of generating sperm that can unite with an egg or ovum from a woman and fertilize that egg to produce a human child.”

He continues, „The so-called ‘confusion’ about their sexuality that a teenager or adult has is purely psychological. As a psychiatrist, I see no reason for people who identify themselves in these ways to have any rights or privileges different from everyone else….”

Possibly the best-known adversary of sex-change surgery is Dr. Paul McHugh, psychiatrist-in-chief at Johns Hopkins, who shut down the gender-identity clinic at Johns Hopkins in 1979. Dr. McHugh is a proponent of „autogynephilia,” explaining, in his book The Mind Has Mountains:

The „transgender” activists (now often allied with gay liberation movements) still argue that their members are entitled to whatever surgery they want, and they still claim that their sexual dysphoria represents a true conception of their sexual identity. They have made some protests against the diagnosis of autogynephilia as a mechanism to generate demands for sex-change operations, but they have offered little evidence to refute the diagnosis. Psychiatrists are taking better sexual histories from those requesting sex-change surgery and are discovering more examples of this strange male exhibitionist proclivity. (P. 227)

In one of his articles, „Surgical Sex,” Dr. McHugh details how he and a colleague, Dr. Jon Meyer, studied the issue: „…I wanted to test the claim that men who had undergone sex-change surgery found resolution for their many general psychological problems:

We saw the results as demonstrating that just as these men enjoyed cross-dressing as women before the operation, so they enjoyed cross-living after it. But they were no better in their psychological integration or any easier to live with. With these facts in hand I concluded that Hopkins was fundamentally cooperating with a mental illness. We psychiatrists, I thought, would do better to concentrate on trying to fix their minds and not their genitalia.

Interestingly, Dr. McHugh makes the same observation that we laypeople make at such events as „gay pride” parades: „The post-surgical subjects struck me as caricatures of women,” confirming „once again that to provide a surgical alteration to the body of these unfortunate people was to collaborate with a mental disorder rather than to treat it.” It need hardly be noted that of course Dr. McHugh finds himself the object of angry invective „to the effect that in making such judgments I was drawing on sexual stereotypes.”

As it stands now in Massachusetts, the Department of Corrections remains unconvinced that killer Kosilek must have sex-change surgery, and even Governor Deval Patrick says, according to the Boston Herald, that there is „a very strong argument” that Judge Wolf ruled incorrectly and that „the administration has decided to appeal the ruling.”

Vezi sursa articolului aici.

Politicuri VIII (Unde-s Doamne, B’estfest-urile de altadata? De ce dracu nu mai aveti mineri?)

Am deschis bleen.ro în 6 august 2008. Am scris acolo pînă în ianuarie 2010, cînd am trecut pe Blogary. De 3 ani blogul este în adormire iar în acest an va ieși din online. Va fi înlocuit pe server de cincinnatus.ro, despre care vom vorbi la momentul potrivit.

Bleen.ro nu va ieși însă din online fără a face o retrospectivă înainte. 

(1 septembrie 2008)

Din episodul anterior: Calin nu-l iubeste pe Mircica dar il respecta. Si lor, si lui Adi le place sa doarma pe stanga, desi Calin nu recunoaste public. Episodul se incheie cu imaginea lui Calin pe bicicleta, in noapte, plecand in lumea larga sa ia viata politica in piept. Dar la Podul Inalt de la Maracineni, Zmeus si adunatura lui de pedelisti il asteapta, imbarbatati de sloganul lui Valericus Strategikon: “Pe aici nu se trece. Si nici pe acolo. Si nici macar pe acolo” Deci, duios Anastasia trecea cu bicicleta…. Urmeaza capetele in gura.

Calin se apropie de pod. E deja intuneric bezna. Pedaleaza din ce in ce mai repede. Fosnetele dosarelor si soaptele Serviciilor il urmaresc obsedant. “Sa trec repede, in viteza? Sau sa las bicicleta si sa trec neobservat, pe burta? Sa evit podul si sa trec inot apele involburate? Coane Fincalstain, unde esti sa-mi dai sfatul cel bun? De ce m-ai lasat singur? Eli Eli Lama sabahtani? “

Desi ii spusese ca e pregatit si se poate descurca singur, Fincalstain n-avea incredere in capacitatea de supravietuire politica a lui Calin. Asa ca, pentru siguranta, urmarea miscarile acestuia in globul de cristal, ca, in caz de ceva, sa-i sara in ajutor.

– Baieti… Mircica, Adi! Daca fratele Calin nu reuseste sa treaca neobservat de Podul Inalt, fiti pregatiti sa chemati gastile de interese!
– Si Armata Salvarii Nationale, coane Fincalstain!” tipa excitat Mircica.
– Calmeaza-te, Mircica. Totul e sub control. L-am trimis pe papagalul meu, Andronicus, pe post de forward observer, sa urmareasca miscarile Adunaturii lui Zmeus si sa-i dea sfaturi tactice lui Calin. De strategie ma ocup eu. Desi…. sa stii ca nu e o idee rea, Mircica. Nu ma asteptam din partea ta. Ai luat lecitina?
– Nu, coane Fincalstain. M-a sunat cu taxa inversa baronul Autorbahn si s-a oferit ca, impreuna cu baronul Mazare Pasa, sa adune ostile de liberali si pesedisti pentru lupta cea mare. Mi-a promis ca daca ii prinde pe pedelisti pe trecerea de pietoni de la Cotroceni ii calca pe toti. Mai ales pe Monica Ridzi si Roberta Anastase, ca aduc a minore.
– Mda, ar fi o idee, insa eu mai multa incredere am in mineri. Mircica, mi-a venit o idee geniala, fie numele lu’ Papasa laudat! Cheama minerii!
– Pai…coane Fincalstain…nu mai avem.
– Sunteti de stanga? Sunteti. Atunci cum dracu nu poti sa-mi aduci, ba, minerii? Ce dracu partid de stanga e ala care nu poate sa cheme clasa muncitoare cu bate, tampitule? Uite, d-aia il apreciez eu pe Papasa Ilici si il consider un mare om politic iar pe tine te consider, scuza-mi expresia, un prostanac de doi lei: fiindca el a adus minerii de vreo sase ori iar tu nu esti in stare sa-i aduci macar o data! Nu poti, ma, sa-mi aduci nici macar unu’ mic? Mic, mic? Nu trebuie sa aiba bata, doar nuia. Nu? Nuielusa? Nici? Si ce vrei sa fac acum? Sa vorbesc cu Al Manahe sa-mi aduca profesorii din sectorul 5, cu rigle si raportoare? Fucking shit! Uite asta nu-mi place mie la voi, romanii, ca nu aveti continuitate, nu duceti traditia mai departe. Ce construieste unul, ceilalti darama. Papasa s-a chinuit ani de zile sa creeze o traditie si voi, popor slab si inconsecvent… Unde-s Doamne, B’estfest-urile de altadata? 90, 91, 99? De ce dracu nu mai aveti mineri? Cine se ocupa de centrele de copii si juniori? Cum, nici d-astea n-aveti? Pai asa se explica. In loc sa importati vedete ca mine, ca Silbarstain sau Dayro Moreno mai bine cresteati mineri in centrele de copii si juniori. Astazi nu mai aveati nevoie de consiliere…. Ok, cheama baronii!

Ascuns intr-o groapa din sosea, la capatul Podului Inalt, MiniMe isi chinuia ochelarii incercand sa vada prin inunericul greu al noptii. Deodata auzi scartait de bicicleta. Isi ciuli urechile. Scartaitul crestea in intensitate.”Bicicleta lui Calin! Sa dau alarma.”
– Alo, alo, aici Micul Napoleon! Valericus Strategikon, raspunde-mi, esti pe receptie?
– Roger! Te ascult.
– Rogere, vine Calin, da alarma!
– Boule, sunt Zmeus. Roger inseamna….. Nevermind… catre sine: adunatura de prosti… Micule Napoleon, Valericus Strategikon e ocupat. Il bazaie o Musca si nu stie ce sa faca, s-o goneasca sau s-o puna pe liste? Fii atent, ramai in stand-by. Primele minute sunt vitale. Pana la pauza avem nevoie de un Pinalti, ca sa ne desprindem. Deocamdata tatonam.
– Tatonam sefu’, tatonam, cum zici matale.”

Ce-ti doresc eu tie, dulce Romanie

Am deschis bleen.ro în 6 august 2008. Am scris acolo pînă în ianuarie 2010, cînd am trecut pe Blogary. De 3 ani blogul este în adormire iar în acest an va ieși din online. Va fi înlocuit pe server de cincinnatus.ro, despre care vom vorbi la momentul potrivit.

Bleen.ro nu va ieși însă din online fără a face o retrospectivă înainte. 

(9 august 2008)

  • Vacaroiu presedinte
  • Adrian Paunescu si Mihai Ungheanu la ICR. Care astfel va deveni CR. Expozitiile nu se vor mai tine la New York ci pe Stadionul 23 August. Poneii cu svastica vor fi inlocuiti de pioneri cu secera si ciocan.
  • Serban Mihailescu sef la DNA (ne-am saturat de procurori, vrem un maior civil). Pentru a combate birocratia, numarul procurorilor DNA va fi redus la 1. Care va lucra doar in duminicile fara sot si in zilele de sarbatori legale. In zilele de sarbatori ilegale (la stabilirea bugetului sau comisioanelor) procurorul va fi trimis in vacanta la bunici.
  • Adrian Nastase si Calin Popescu Tariceanu, prim-ministri (sa avem doua guverne paralele, unul sa puna taxe si celalalt sa dea ajutoare sociale). Sau, mai bine, Nastase sa conduca guvernul cand Tariceanu isi face vacantele aici. Si invers.
  • Mircea Geoana va deveni propunerea de prim-ministru. De cate ori se va deschide subiectul, el va fi propus. Dupa care subiectul se va inchide.

 

The Tea Party can survive Karl Rove’s wrath, but being purged from Fox News could help kill it

According to Politico, “a political colonoscopy is going on before our eyes.” Yuck. Karl Rove has set up a Super PAC to keep controversial conservatives from winning Republican primaries and the Senate leadership has established a “buddy system” to keep Tea Party congressmen in line (“buddy” as in “you should probably vote the way we tell you to, buddy…”). But the most important changes are taking place at Fox where heavyweights Sarah Palin and Dick Morris are out as contributors. A lot of this is post-election house clearing (CNN has moved staff around, too) but it also suggests that the GOP establishment is blaming the 2012 election loss on the Tea Party and the impolite Right.

Is its assessment correct? Yes and no. “Yes” in the sense that the outspoken weirdness of some Tea Party candidates shifted the balance of the Senate in the Democratic Party’s favour and “yes” in that they allowed Obama to play the culture war card so brilliantly against Mitt Romney. The margin of the 2012 election was decided by gender, race and age – and while the GOP did well with its old white guy base, Tea Party radicalism helped Obama to build a winning advantage among “everyone else”. And so moderates are now conspiring to silence the conservatives.

But, in defence of conservatives, the Republican Party did not actually run a Tea Party candidate in 2012. It ran a moderate from Massachusetts with a record of inventing Obamacare and supporting legalised abortion. Romney might have u-turned on all those positions, but the idea that the Tea Party hijacked the GOP nomination in 2012 is simply absurd. Its candidates were beaten in the primaries and it was denied a significant role at the convention. Not a single primetime convention speech included the words “Tea Party.” During the election, Akin and Mourdock might’ve stumbled on to abortion but Romney declined to make it an issue at all. He ducked away from Benghazi and Fast and Furious. In his focus on trimming the budget and bringing competence to government, Mitt Romney was about as radical (and exciting) as Cliff Richard.

Therefore, Tea Partiers are likely to argue that the GOP lost in 2012 not because it emulated them but because it ignored them. That’s partly why they’re fighting Karl Rove’s attempt to purge them – why should they take the punishment when they didn’t commit the crime? On his radio show, Mark Levin asked the question that we’re all thinking – “Who the hell died and made Karl Rove queen for the day?” – and went on to point out that Rove was the guy who helped put Bush in to the White House, who spent all the money that pushed America further in to debt and so put the USA where it is today. Why should the Tea Party defer to an establishment that a) loses elections and b) governs like Democrats? To quote Levin,

These people need a hard, swift kick in the ass off the public stage because they’re making it much more difficult to persuade more and more Americans that we have to win some elections quickly. These people are getting rich off of this federal leviathan. They go on T.V. and talk about how awful Obama is, but they attack us. They really don’t think Obama is that awful. What bothers them about Obama is that their not running things, that’s what really bothers them.

In short, the Tea Party revolution will continue because Tea Partiers see no need for it to end – and they even have the Senate Majority Leader in their sites. Given this, what are the establishment’s chances for beating them down? At first glance, poor. Thanks to the primary system there’s no reason why conservative candidates shouldn’t continue to run and do well in Republican contests. And the party machine might actually do itself harm by campaigning against them. As Kellyanne Conway points out, “Ironically, the establishment wizards tried to stop the two most prominent Hispanic Republicans in Washington from winning the U.S. Senate seats they now hold” – Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz. Variety and ideological competition can actually help the GOP in the long run. The Tea Party hasn’t been a complete disaster for the GOP.

But the establishment may yet succeed in silencing the Right if Fox turns decisively against the Tea Party. For that would starve them of the oxygen of national publicity and contribute to a national pivot to the centre. It’s interesting to read that Fox is now both America’s “most trusted” and “least trusted” news service, which suggests that audiences are tiring of its partisanship. It looks like Roger Ailes has decided that 2012 really did mark a historic shift in politics and that his product has to adapt to survive. If this means excluding maverick voices from Fox shows, the Tea Party could end up losing its stake in the national conversation. It will continue to make news, but its opportunity to speak for itself without hostile editorialising will be lost. Then it’ll be reduced to a handful of movement media outlets without a wider audience. As I’ve written a lot recently, the greatest threat facing the Tea Party is ghettoisation. You can’t speak “truth to power” if no one’s listening.

Vezi sursa articolului aici.

Freeloaders or Free Country?

Defeats are never easy to take and yet every defeat is a necessary learning experience. Reading the memoirs of the greatest athletes and generals, you discover that they learned more from their defeats than from their victories because their victories only taught them their strengths while their defeats forced them to confront their weaknesses.

The Republican defeat in 2012 was a difficult blow, especially coming after the victories of 2010, and its lessons are still being argued and absorbed. Different schools of thought have emerged and different conclusions are being drawn from what took place several months ago. These necessary debates confront us with our weaknesses and prepare us to claim the victories to come.

Last month, Bruce Thornton wrote an article for Front Page Magazine containing his diagnosis of the defeat. That article, “It’s Not the Message, It’s Not the Messenger, It’s the Voter,” argued that the conservative message had been properly polished and had reached its intended audience, but that the average voter was not receptive to that message because he was unwilling to give up the comforts of the social safety net and the welfare state.

“Only the stupid or willfully inattentive haven’t heard that we face a financial abyss waiting at the end of our entitlement road, that entitlements need to be reformed, that we have an exploding debt and deficit crisis, that a ‘tax the rich’ policy only produces chump-change for solving that problem, that Obama’s economic policies have bloated the federal government at the expense of jobs and growth, and that Obama himself is the most left-wing, duplicitous, partisan, and incompetent president in modern history,” Thornton wrote.

In a Front Page follow-up article to that, “Messengers, Messages, and Voters, Part 2,” Thornton expanded his theme using historical references to Ancient Greece and the Founding Fathers to depict the universal franchise as an aberration that would always lead people to place their own private good above that of the national good.

“So unless one believes that human nature has evolved beyond passion and self-interest so that today a critical mass of voters will consider principle and the good of the whole even at the cost of their own interests,” Thornton wrote, “we still face the same problem that troubled earlier critics of democracy.”

In response to that first piece, David Horowitz took a different position. In his article, “It’s the Message and Yes the Messengers – NOT the Voters,” he argued that there was indeed a messaging problem at the heart of the defeat. He linked this problem to a continuing underestimation of the left and their tactics, as well as a lack of sufficient aggressiveness on the part of conservative campaigners.

Horowitz contrasts the Democratic Party’s willingness to play the heroes protecting minority groups from the ravages of the Republican Party with the lack of moral outrage and offensive momentum from the Republican Party in pushing back against these dishonest slanders.

“Republicans didn’t lay a finger on Obama and the Democrats for their wars against women, minorities and the middle class. They hardly mentioned the suffering of these groups under Obama’s policies,” he wrote.

This theme is further elaborated on in his new pamphlet in an article that appeared on powerlineblog.com called “Go For the Heart: How Republicans Can Win.” There he writes, “The only way to confront the emotional campaign that Democrats wage in every election is through an equally emotional campaign that puts the aggressors on the defensive; that attacks them in the same moral language, identifying them as the bad guys.”

Horowitz argues that the primary organ is not the head, but the heart, and that rational arguments go nowhere unless they connect to emotional narratives. While the reasoning person may be expected to rationally process and accept a message of small government, low taxes and personal freedom, this message will not connect unless it goes for the heart, rather than the head.

Americans are not a nation of takers, Horowitz says, they are coping with uncertain and difficult times without a clear sense of direction. They have been misled by the left’s false narratives and the ineptness of the right in challenging those narratives.

“When Democrats tell their underdog story it is not an abstraction but a powerful, polarizing, emotionally charged attack on their Republican adversaries. In the Democratic narrative, Republicans are cast as oppressors,” Horowitz warns. “How can you win a war when the other side is using bazookas and your side is using fly swatters?”

Both Horowitz and Thornton agree that the people are not perfect or ideal, but Horowitz argues that this requires a change of tactics. Rather than dismissing the possibility of winning the argument, the Republican Party must instead learn how to make the arguments that bypass the head and go for the heart.

While Thornton focuses on the head as the primary aspect of man, a reasoning creature who thinks and only then acts, and whose actions spring from rational or rationalized motives, Horowitz argues that man should be viewed as less rational and more emotional, as a heart rather than a head. Man thinks less and feels more. It is these feelings that drive him and move him, activating his moral senses and his sense of self-interest.

“The weapons of political campaigns are hope and fear,” Horowitz writes. “Obama won the presidency in 2008 on a campaign of hope; he won re-election in 2012 on a campaign of fear.”

2012 was not an election of thinkers or takers, in Horowitz’s view, but an election that was won on the ability of the left to manipulate emotions, to banish hope and inspire fear. And his advice to conservatives who want to win is to focus less on the rational argument and more on the emotional argument. To tell the story, rather than display the pie chart. To worry less about the head and more about the heart.

Freedom Center pamphlets now available on Kindle: Click here.

Vezi sursa articolului aici.

The Emerging Egyptian-Iranian Strategic Alliance

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is visiting Egypt this week, becoming the first Iranian head of state to visit Egypt since Tehran broke off diplomatic relations with Cairo in 1980.  Ahmadinejad is in Cairo for a summit meeting of the inter-governmental Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), but he hopes his meetings with Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi will help the Iranian regime to forge a strategic alliance with the Muslim Brotherhood-led government in Egypt.

Ahmadinejad’s journey to Cairo follows the icebreaker of Morsi’s visit last August to Tehran during the meeting of the Iranian-led Nonaligned Movement and a visit last month to Cairo by Iran’s foreign minister.

Although Ahmadinejad was confronted by an angry mob and almost hit in the head with a shoe while leaving the historic Al-Azhar mosque and university with Morsi, Ahmadinejad was unbowed.  Recall that he did not care what his own people thought of his fraudulent re-election as they gathered in the streets of Tehran. Thus, unruly protesters in Cairo meant absolutely nothing to him.  What mattered to Ahmadinejad was that the Egyptian government rolled out the red carpet in a welcoming ceremony at the Cairo airport and appeared receptive to strengthened ties.

“Egypt is a very important country in the region and the Islamic Republic of Iran believes it is one of the heavyweights in the Middle East,” Iran’s foreign minister, Ali Akbar Salehi, told Iran’s state-run Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) earlier this week. “We are ready to further strengthen ties.”

The head of Egypt’s interest section in Iran, Khaled Amareh, said Egypt-Iran relations date back to as early as 500 BC.  “The establishment of bilateral ties between Egypt and Iran is greatly important for the region, and we hope to see ever increasing ties between the two nations,” he said last month during an interview with IRNA.

Although Iran is a Shiite-majority country and Egypt is a Sunni-majority country, the Iranian leaders are willing to put aside the historical theological conflicts between Shiites and Sunnis and focus on areas of common interest. Ahmadinejad explained the overarching bond among Muslims this way in an interview with Egypt’s state-run Al-Ahram daily, responding to reports of some differences of opinion between him and Egypt’s leading cleric:

For example, 40 people are sitting in a bus and they differ among themselves, but they are all heading to the same destination and to the same goal. What is common among us is bigger than our differences.

As an example of their common goals, the Muslim Brotherhood’s innate hostility towards Israel dovetails nicely with the Iranian regime’s hatred of the Jewish state. At the OIC summit in Cairo, Ahmadinejad warned, “The Iranian people are ready to march on Israel to destroy it if it launches an attack adventure against Iran.”

Faced with the prospect of losing influence in Syria, as its ally President Bashar al-Assad desperately tries to hang on to power, and feeling encircled by hostile governments in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and other Gulf states, the Iranian regime is looking for a new dance partner. It appears willing to give Egypt a pass on supporting the opposition forces battling to bring Assad down, most likely because Egypt is presently too weak and inwardly focused to be of any real concern to the rebel cause.  On the other hand, it is in Iran’s interest to buttress Egypt’s attempts to re-assert its own influence in the region to counter-balance that of Iran’s main Middle East rivals in the Gulf region.

Iran also sees an opportunity to wean Egypt away from economic and military dependency on the United States. Exploiting Egypt’s debt squeeze and its plunging currency reserves, Ahmadinejad said that his government was ready to provide a “big credit line” to help revive Egypt’s battered economy.

“We can provide a big credit line to our Egyptian brothers,” the soon departing Iranian president told Al-Ahram. “If the two peoples cooperate and join forces, they can become an important element.”

The initial reaction from Egyptian leaders was caution, as they do not want to jeopardize the economic lifeline extended by the United States and the International Monetary Fund by being seen as overly intertwined with Iran’s financial system. Moreover, Egypt has to walk a tightrope in its relationship with the United States if it wants to receive billions of dollars in financial aid and advanced weapons such as F-16s to build up its military.  On the other hand, Morsi sees some leverage in hedging his bets and keeping the U.S. on edge as to just how far Egypt is willing to go in pursuing deeper ties with Iran.

Ahmadinejad’s offer of a credit line to Egypt may be a difficult promise to keep in light of Iran’s own economic distress under the weight of the sanctions imposed on the regime. However, reading between the lines, the Iranian government may have in mind the shipment of oil, weaponry and other goodies to Egypt in exchange for some old-fashioned bartering.

What can Egypt offer?  It can start with providing Iran with unfettered access to the Suez Canal.  The Egyptian government already started to open the canal to Iranian warships last year.

Second, while Egypt may not formally break diplomatic relations with Israel and withdraw from the Camp David peace treaty in the foreseeable future, it can revert to a cold peace and allow Iranian arms to transit the Sinai on the way to Hamas in Gaza.

Third, while the U.S. State Department does not presently consider Egypt to be a major hub for money laundering, the State Department said in its 2012 Money Laundering Report that “Egypt has a large informal cash economy, and many financial transactions are undocumented or do not enter the banking system.”

The State Department report went on to say that Egypt’s government “has been hesitant to utilize its money laundering statutes to their full legal extent.”  Egypt’s informal economy and lack of careful documentation of many financial transactions provides Iran with a potential vehicle to evade sanctions through networks of front groups, in order to move funds into and out of Egypt and access the international banking system through indirect channels.

Fourth, as long as Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood-dominated regime remains in power, its rapprochement with Iran provides Iran with more legitimacy in the region and lessens Iran’s diplomatic isolation.

If the Obama administration is not careful, it risks being played in the emerging Middle East chess board as alliances shift rapidly as an unintended consequence of the Arab Spring.

John Kerry has indicated that he plans to visit Egypt and Israel in his first trip as the new Secretary of State.  He would do well to convey a firm message to Mohammed Morsi that he ultimately has to choose between aligning himself with a rogue terrorist-sponsoring regime with unacceptable nuclear arms ambitions whose own economy is in shambles, or the countries, led by the United States, that can help Egypt move beyond its current travails. Morsi has to be made to understand that he will pay a heavy price if he tries to play both ends against the middle.

Freedom Center pamphlets now available on Kindle: Click here.

Vezi sursa articolului aici.

Analyzing Hagel

Just as Sen. Hagel’s service in Vietnam ought to be honored, his equivocacy and poor judgement regarding America’s current security challenges ought to disqualify him from the position of SecDef.

Former U.S. Sen. Chuck Hagel can, and should, be honored for his service in Vietnam. It’s not for his heroism in 1967 and 1968 that the nominee for secretary of defense ought to be evaluated, however, but for his analysis of the national security situation facing the nation in 2013 and beyond.

There would seem to be practical reasons for the Senate to seriously consider withholding consent to Hagel’s appointment. His dismal and embarrassing performance during his confirmation hearing suggests he might not be up to the task of handling the defense of Fiji, let alone overseeing what remains the world’s most powerful and sophisticated military. Certainly Hagel’s endorsement of Joe Sestak and Bob Kerrey for their respective Senate seats tells us something of his knack for poor judgment.

But it is Hagel’s positions and statements on the most pressing security related issues of today – those centering on the Middle East – the American people are most entitled to question.

For instance, his tendentious lack of support for the region’s only stable, reliably pro-western nation, Israel, will prove particularly un-helpful as Syria and North Africa continue to unravel and the Jewish state’s very existence once again comes under threat.

But of the many problems smoldering away in that broiling region, the most serious by far is a nuclear Iran.

On more than one occasion Hagel has publically disavowed military action to prevent such an eventuality. Yet, were he to attain the post he seeks, a significant part of his job would be to seriously contemplate and prepare for precisely that. Of course, one can competently plan for that which he abhors – plans for nuclear retaliation against a Soviet first strike were for years drawn up by men who fervently hoped their designs would never be implemented. But the process works only if the possibility, however remote, of its necessity is recognized. Hagel has seemingly eliminated from the bounds of consideration any thought military action against Iran might be prudent.

But it could well end up the only tolerable option, and blithely discarding the possibility is irresponsible. Iran 2013 is not Iraq 1981, when the Israelis successfully converted that country’s nuclear ambitions into a smoldering pothole. Iran’s nuclear sites are more spread out, and Israel lacks the long-range aircraft to pull off a successful round trip. Any operation would require American assets, and be of a scale that would require serious, careful planning. This ought not be left to a man who thinks the entire concept unworthy of consideration.

On several occasions, then-Senator Hagel compared America’s military venture in Iraq to Vietnam, intending to demonstrate the folly of the Bush Administration’s policy in the former. Like most such analogies it was a political show, as distinctions between the two conflicts are considerable. There are parallels worth noting, however:

In 2007, Hagel voted to recreate in Iraq America’s biggest blunder in Southeast Asia – the abandonment of scores of people (statistics of which do not even exist to properly account for the enormity of the casualties) to torture and death – by voting against the troop surge that ultimately rescued Iraq from sharing South Vietnam’s fate.

But there’s an even more poignant similarity. In Vietnam, America’s aims were contingent in part upon recognizing distinctions between life under communism and not. In Iraq, America’s aims were contingent in part upon recognizing distinctions between life under Saddam Hussein and not.

Hagel – like President Barack Obama, John Kerry and many foreign policy liberals – fails to adequately make such distinctions. The concept of American exceptionalism is an elegantly simple one: the ideas and principles that gave form to the United States are both unique and universal. Those ideals codified in the Declaration of Independence and Constitution, if applied and adhered to, would improve the lives, liberty, prosperity and happiness of people anywhere. We can’t acquiesce to the notion of national or cultural relativism – the idea that George Washington was fundamentally no better than Ho Chi Mihn, Abraham Lincoln than Fidel Castro, or Ronald Reagan (or FDR, for that matter) than Hugo Chavez – or, indeed, Israel and the west than Iran.

Sen. Hagel has not gone quite that far. And his patriotism is irreproachable. But he has shown himself to be susceptible to such moral equivalence concerning the most vital security concerns of our time. That alone should be enough to disqualify one from a position whose sole responsibility is to prepare to defend an exceptional United States against those to whom such distinctions ought to apply.

Vezi sursa articolului aici.

Comemorare

Comemorarea morţii lui Iuliu Maniu se suprapune în anul acesta unei situaţii dramatice, chiar tragice, a societății româneşti. Corupţia, hoţia aproape pe față, renunţarea la orice demnitate, alegerea pentru Parlamentul țării cu prioritate a „penalilor” au dus la degradarea vieţii noastre economice și politice și la emigrarea în masă a oamenilor capabili de o muncă cinstită.

Avem în fața ochilor noștri sufletești jertfa liber asumată a lui Iuliu Maniu acceptându-și in mod liber moartea, în condiţii oribile, pentru binele si demnitatea neamului său, și în acelaşi timp, degradarea inimaginabilă a vieţii noastre politice, călcarea în picioare a oricărei morale și demnități.

Exemplul luminos al lui Iuliu Maniu nu poate fi suportat de conducătorii corupţi ai României de astăzi. S-a ajuns pana la a-l acuza pe Iuliu Maniu de trădare de neam și, printr-o minciună evidentă, prezentarea lui ca cineva care s-a lăsat înșelat de puterile (occidentale) politice ale epocii împingând la moarte și suferință categorii mari de oameni.

Eu am avut posibilitatea de a trăi pe viu drama lui Iuliu Maniu, de fapt a țării noastre, în 1946-1948.

Simulacrul procesului lui Iuliu Maniu organizat de comuniști.

Iuliu Maniu la simulacrul de proces organizat de comuniști.

Am asistat la momentul în care Maniu și-a justificat, în fața apropiaţilor săi, participarea la lupta politică (alegerile din 1946). Îi văd și acum ochii umbriţi și aud glasul lui spunând:

„Eu ştiu că voi muri la zid sau în închisoare. Ştiu că am fost abandonaţi de puterile apusene pe mulţi ani. De aceea, nu doresc să implic pe mulţi în această luptă. Dar eu pot câştiga în realitate alegerile, obligându-i pe comunişti să le fure în văzul lumii, cu garnitura de oameni pe care o am. Sacrificiul nostru și demnitatea poporului român care nu se lasă astfel îngenuncheat fără luptă va sta la temelia ridicării lui din teroarea bolşevică.”

De aceea, văzând cu ochii minții sacrificiul lui Maniu și al tuturor celor care cu demnitate au rezistat asaltului bolşevic și, în acelaşi timp, mlaştina lipsei de demnitate și morală în care se pare că ne-am adâncit, nu pot să nu mă cutremur.

Și totuşi, este imposibil ca acea jertfă, asumată cu atâta demnitate și oferită lui Isus, să nu-și producă până la urmă roadele.

Comemorarea pe care o facem astăzi nu are rostul omagierii lui Maniu. El își are răsplata de la Judecătorul veşnic. Această comemorare este un memento întru salvarea noastră din mocirla în care ne-a împins comunismul sovietic.

Dumnezeu care are cu siguranţă în grija Sa pe Maniu și pe cei care împreună cu el s-au sacrificat pentru țara noastră sa ne binecuvânteze pe noi și țara noastră, care sper că se va scutura până la urmă de lepra imoralității și a lipsei de demnitate.

Pr. Matei Boilă

Nota redacției
Prin bunăvoința familiei Boilă putem difuza aceste două fotografii inedite:

Iuliu Maniu la Budapesta

Iuliu Maniu la Budapesta

Iului Maniu, 1939

Iului Maniu, 1939

Vezi sursa articolului aici.

Sacrificiu sublim si lucid pentru adevar si pentru tara

Părintele greco-catolic Matei Boilă l-a cunoscut îndeaproape pe Iuliu Maniu, fiind nepot al marelui om de stat. A fost deţinut politic (1952-1954 şi 1956-1964) şi senator PNŢCD (1992-1996, 1996-2000). A publicat numeroase articole şi volumele: „Gratii luminând” (2004), „Amintiri despre Iuliu Maniu” (1998) şi „Socialism sau libertate economică” (1991). O mare parte din opera sa memorialistică şi publicistică (teme creştine, politice şi economice) este publicată în lucrarea „În speranţa repunerii lui Cristos ca unic Domn al societăţii româneşti”(2011).

Era în anul 1943. Iuliu Maniu venea destul de des la Sibiu, locuind la părinţii mei. Într-una din aceste şederi la noi, Iuliu Maniu a pregătit un răspuns la o scrisoare a lui Beneş. Ne-a permis şi nouă, corespondenţa nu era secretă, să citim atât scrisoarea lui Beneş cât şi răspunsul său. Deşi au trecut aproape cincizeci de ani de atunci, memoria, ajutată de impresia puternică făcută asupra mea de citirea acestor scrisori îmi permite să reproduc cu fidelitate, conţinutul lor. Beneş, care era în relaţii de prietenie cu Iuliu Maniu, de pe vremea studenţiei lor comune la Viena când luptau împreună în organizaţiile studenţeşti ale minorităţilor din Austro-Ungaria îi scria, informându-l că a fost la Moscova la invitaţia lui Stalin şi că Stalin i-a propus să accepte în viitor participarea la guvernarea Cehoslovaciei, bineînţeles în condiţiile de ascultare faţă de Moscova. Beneş a acceptat şi îşi motiva acceptarea în scrisoarea pe care a trimis-o lui Iuliu Maniu prin următoarele argumente:
– Stalin i-a promis, şi Beneş înclina să creadă, că va respecta până la un anumit punct independenţa Cehoslovaciei, pemiţând funcţionarea unor instituţii democratice;
– el era în posesia unor informaţii certe că Uniunea Sovietică primise din partea aliaţilor o zonă de influenţă cuprinzând şi ţările noastre (Cehoslovacia şi România) şi că aliaţii nu se vor amesteca în această zonă;
– în aceste condiţii singura politică realistă era, după Beneş, înţelegerea cu Uniunea Sovietică;
– Beneş era sigur că prezenţa lui şi a oamenilor lui în guvern va atenua dominaţia sovietică şi va împiedica demolarea violentă şi radicală a societăţii;
– vom reuşi, spunea Beneş, să atenuăm cel puţin procesul de comunizare, dacă nu îl vom putea împiedica complet.

În final, Beneş transmitea lui Iuliu Maniu invitaţia lui Stalin, asigurându-l că la Moscova i se vor face propuneri similare cu cele care i s-au făcut şi cerându-i insistent să accepte.

În răspunsul său Maniu nu a contestat informaţiile lui Beneş privind zona de influenţă sovietică sub care urma să trăim un timp destul de îndelungat.

Totuşi, răspunsul la cererea lui Beneş de a accepta invitaţia lui Stalin a fost categoric negativ şi era argumentat astfel:

Stalin nu va respecta absolut nici un angajament luat. Absolut nimic din acţiunea de comunizare şi din violenţa şi cruzimea ei nu va fi schimbat prin prezenţa în guvern a oamenilor politici democraţi. Dimpotrivă, procesul va fi mai rapid şi mai radical. Singurul lucru ce se va obţine va fi că probabil cei care se vor preta la înţelegerea cu ruşii, vor scăpa de represalii directe în prima fază, dar nici măcar aceştia, chiar dacă acceptă poziţia ruşinoasă de a prezida distrugerea altora, nu vor scăpa până la urmă. Remarcăm că teza aceasta a lui Iuliu Maniu a fost confirmată de soarta lui Beneş şi mai ales a celorlalţi oameni politici, – vezi Gheorghe Tătărăscu – care au încercat să ducă o politică oportunistă de compromis.

Maniu continua, spunând că singura atitudine de luat era rezistenţa deschisă împotriva comunismului sovietic. Desigur, Maniu nu îşi făcea iluzia că va reuşi să învingă sau să evite ocuparea totală a ţării şi-şi dădea seama că personal, el şi cei din jurul său vor plăti cu închisoarea sau viaţa această atitudine. Dar, spunea Maniu, aceasta este singura atitudine care poate, cu preţul propriului sacrificiu, aduce un câştig cauzei poporului român şi democraţiei în acest colţ de lume. Câştigurile care în opinia lui Iuliu Maniu justificau sacrificiul făcut erau în principal două:
– în primul rând vor demonstra lumii că poporul român nu a acceptat de bunăvoie sclavia. Aceasta va temeiul renaşterii în demnitate a libertăţii poporului nostru;
– în al doilea rând, sacrificiile făcute şi nevoia sovieticilor de a utiliza violenţa împotriva unor oameni politici cunoscuţi în Occident va ajuta la schimbarea opiniei publice Occidentale şi va apropia ziua unei reacţii sănătoase din partea acesteia faţă de tirania comunistă.

Este evident că dacă Iuliu Maniu ar fi avut o cât de mică speranţă că aliaţii vor vrea şi vor putea totuşi să intervină în acel moment ar fi adus argumentul acesta în răspunsul către Beneş, pentru că pe cât de mult dorea Beneş să-l convingă pe Maniu să accepte invitaţia lui Stalin, pe atât de mult s-a silit Maniu să-l convingă pe Beneş să renunţe la angajamentul luat faţă de acesta.

Citirea acestei scrisori a făcut asupra mea o foarte puternică impresie. Pur şi simplu refuzam să cred că vor urma zile negre şi sacrificiile de care vorbea Maniu. Atunci însă când ele au venit, şi încă din plin, mi-am dat seama de valoarea sacrificiului conştient şi lucid făcut de Iuliu Maniu.

Desigur, Iuliu Maniu n-a aşteptat răsplata pe pământ, nici măcar postumă, pentru sacrificiul făcut.

Totuşi îndurerează gândul că, refuzând recunoaşterea lucidităţii sacrificiului sublim făcut de Iuliu Maniu, i se face memoriei sale o nedreptate, la fel de mare ca cea făcută lui încă viu în închisorile comuniste (…).

Pr. Matei Boilă
(comunicare la simpozionul „Iuliu Maniu în faţa istoriei” – Bucureşti, februarie 1993)

Vezi sursa articolului aici.